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François Mitterrand

( President of France in the years 1981-95.)

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Biography François Mitterrand
Francois Maurice Marie Mitterrand was born in 1916 in Mr.. Jarnac (Charente department) in the family stationmaster. Despite some financial difficulties, the parents were able to provide her son a good law school - he graduated from the University of Paris, on education - a lawyer and political scientist. Worked as a journalist, lawyer.

Since the beginning of World War II, Mitterrand joined the army infantry. After injury in mid-1940 he was captured, but managed in late 1941 to escape. After escaping from a Nazi camp Francois Mitterrand got home, even the "free zone" of France. But in the biography of Mitterrand was not very flattering fact, hiding until 1994 - before joining the ranks of the resistance, he collaborated with the Vichy government, loyal to the Nazis. But later, felt a connection with the underground, he was able to move to the side of General de Gaulle and the Resistance forces.

After the 2nd World Mitterrand turned to "social work" - created and headed the legal organization, which was formed under the guise of the underground National Movement of prisoners of war and deportees. Germany kept in concentration camps, about two million French soldiers and officers. After the war, thousands are returning home, and all through Paris. They need shelter, clothing, food, work. They're chanting under the windows, as in the 1789-m: "The lights!" One day an irate general ordered him to bring the leaders of the Movement ". "But he's a Communist, that Mitterrand!" - In a fit of rage exclaimed General. Here he obviously hurried with judgments, but it is a characteristic example of how the psychological incompatibility sometimes can turn into a political conflict. The general frowned, looking at nevoevavshuyu, obovshivevshuyu army, and for that Mitterrand had been friends in need.

"Charles de Gaulle was surrounded by aides, Francois Mitterrand - friends felt for him a personal sympathy, even if they did not share his ideas". Even as president, Mitterrand has repeatedly put into a blind alley of his assistants. In whatever corner of the country, in whatever part of the world he goes, everywhere he detected friends. The noble, obscure, wealthy, poor, politically close or far he. His relationships are based not on political assumptions, and more on friendship, which, as you know, or fastened, or not. If this political conjecture is correct, then much clearer in the context of the Franco-Soviet relations of the last seven years of the Soviet Union, in their evolution from cold to heat.

Had been formed in 1945, a small but noisy and active parties - Democratic and Socialist Union of the Resistance - in 1946, Mitterrand launched his deputy in the National Assembly from the district Nievre. Over the next 12 years, Mitterrand retained a ministerial portfolio in the Cabinet, periodically changing the name of the Ministry. However, the ranks of his party irresistibly melted, her voters over to the victor - Gaullism. Mitterrand, cherishing it as a party of "third force" - against the Communists and Gaullists, against the left and right, for so it seemed at the time of his presentation on Policy Center: Do not combine and drive a wedge. But the agony of the Fourth Republic, precisely, was sentenced centrist tactics - the time for it has not come.

In the political life of Francois Mitterrand, came the decisive days of the fall of 1965. Expire on the first presidential mandate of General de Gaulle. One of the contenders - the Socialist mayor of Marseille Gaston Deffer. He tries to get the votes of supporters of the Communist Party isolating the party apparatus, not assuming any obligation to him. Deffera idea: to create a "federation of more" non-Communist leftists with the calculation that will win over the electorate and the PCF.

On the other center-left parties have put forward the idea of uniting with the Communists. It was the fall of 1965 Formula levotsentristkogo block (which, actually, today is the very essence of the concept of "mitteranizm") was the first time not only discussed in the political clubs, but also to be tested in practice. The core of these debates was the attitude of the Communists: with or without them? At the first position was Mitterrand, on the second - Deffer. Thus both were anti-communists. As a result, a large Federation of Socialists and centrists had failed, and with it has failed and the candidacy of Gaston Deffera.

Francois Mitterrand, a man without a party, it was not easy to qualify for recognition as the single candidate of the Left forces, while the parties have put forward many candidates from their ranks. He not only did not hide - on the contrary, referring to all new and new people, of whom depended on his nomination, immediately laid on the table his head, and the only decisive trump card: his candidacy is supported by the Central Committee of the PCF. It was Mitterrand's chief merit belongs to remove the main obstacles to cooperation of the Left parties - anti-communism.

So, 19 December 1965. History has recorded the first attempt, and Mitterrand's first defeat in the fight for the presidency. He lost to General de Gaulle, gathered to elect 45 percent of votes. But it was then established himself in the eyes of the French as the head of the opposition leader, Union of the Left.

. In this capacity, Mitterrand led the Federation of Democratic and Socialist Left, where the Democrats including all anyone - from communists to centrist, gravitating towards the right flank
. Because "raznosherstosti 'Federation, the differences within it, the second since the establishment of federal parliamentary elections (1968,. ) Have become a heavy blow to the tactics of the stubborn unifier. Mitterrand denied the post, and with him and hopes: now he dare not even claim to be a candidate in early presidential elections (1969,. ), After the unexpected resignation of General de Gaulle.

Socialists and Communists are going to elections in 1969 separately. And are respectively 5 percent and 21,5 percent of votes.

In 1974, Mitterrand was again the candidate of the Left forces, and this time the pre-election alliance with the PCF was based on the overall government program, the Left parties. And this time, "Train 70" left without Mitterrand. He was sick of not less than one percent of the votes. But the very next day there was a massive influx of FAK. Polls consistently show the attractiveness of the program, and with it the growing popularity of the leader of the Socialist. And the parliamentary elections in 1978 - SAF has become one of the leading parties in France. And - the first opposition party, which is extremely painful perceived communists.

This change of roles has also led to a rethinking of tactics. His third attempt to take the presidency in 1981, Mitterrand decided to take no candidate of the Left, as before, but speaking on behalf of only their own party. For the unity of "left France" has always responded by rallying and "right". He reasoned: without the Communists, without signed with the PCF of the Joint Government program, and therefore without its obligations arising from it will be more representative of the left-center. And he won. In came left the Elysee Palace, President of the Fifth Republic. Prime Minister of France was Pierre Moroi, also a Socialist. This unique political alignment allowed Mitterrand to carry out its reforms in full, without fear of confrontation opposition.

If in the late 70's and early 80-ies in several countries of Western Europe and the U.S. came to power, conservative forces, while in France the political pendulum has done the opposite movement - right to left. During the 80-ies leaders of the neoconservative revolution "were re-elected: P. Reagan and Mr.. Kohl - for a second term, M. Thatcher - the third. And again, France did the opposite, again choosing the spring of 1988 the Socialist Mitterrand.

On the poster of the French Socialists in 1988, the word "socialism" was no longer. It has withdrawn them from the more formal treatment in 1982 - 1983's, when, and not being able to overcome the crisis, the young left-wing government chose to try to manage.

"It is true that we are dreaming, too, in 1981, and underestimated the international crisis. "- Said Mitterrand had at the end of the first third of his term. The popularity of the Socialists fell so rapidly that by the mid 80-ies has reached a critical point: such a low rating for the comparable period did not have in the Fifth Republic is not one of its president.

This is a crucial period. The deeper the frustration of voters who voted for the Socialists, the higher the loan yesterday, opponents of the Socialist Party. Rows of the first melt, but the second rise. And grow more rapidly than retreating further Mitterrand and his team of their election systems. Program and results of his first seven years were diametrically distant. Back in March 1983 to a policy of "austerity", with which the government socialists broke just two years, has led to increased unemployment, the appearance of the army "new poor". More and more rarely sounded the slogans of "rupture with capitalism, has not yet disappeared.

. This was most likely conceived, a conscious adjustment of the course, even if it is imposed to some extent, the global economic situation, which is not conducive to the French "left-experiment
. Mastery of political compromise in the Mitterrand and demonstrated that just as his socialist orientation has become increasingly clear to acquire social-democratic coloration. On the surface launched what has already matured earlier in the depths. External causes can play a catalytic role unless. After making adjustments in its course, the ruling party turned the steering wheel of power left to right - closer to the political center.

. At the same after the first two or three years' experiment of the left in France were marked by the deepening crisis and the concomitant increase in conservative attitudes
. In March 1986, changed the alignment of political forces recorded parliamentary elections - won by right-wing parties. They formed a government headed by Jacques Chirac, and began - when the president left - to dismantle the recent innovations of their predecessors.

The evolution of France to the Anglo-Saxon model, when in power alternated two close and disciplined political force - left-and center-right. Mitterrand was destined to become not de Gaulle left, as he claimed, and the president of normalization, ie the adaptation of the French democracy to the Anglo-Saxon model, the subordination of the national economy dictates the world market.

The alternation in power for close to two centrist parties with an almost imperceptible shades of left and right - that will return the country social peace and political consensus. So, in essence, the task looked Mitterrand's second seven-year presidency.

Having entered the Elysee Palace Mitterrand, the French brought down a barrage of social reform. Often, important - such as the nationalization - that with their help, even to the touch, to implement long-planned strategy to "break with capitalism". However, as a result achieved the opposite effect: it was left with the government, capitalism was a push to upgrade.

In recent years, Mitterrand himself tirelessly to explain the meaning of his new project. As before, it is about socialism, but "without collectivist methods". The only salvation - in a mixed economy that combines the public sector to private business. The only way to "change the nature of profits," "control the power of capital". The President himself has defined this project as a "third way" - the average between capitalism and socialism, is capable of taking on both systems all the best and dismiss their vices.

French Democracy, languished for centuries in the acute confrontation between classes, to avoid power devices where you can get by without them. Mitterrand tried not to repeat the "mistakes of youth, such as in 1947 - when, having received his first portfolio in the government of the Fourth Republic, the Minister of Veterans Affairs immediately cleared my office from the Communists. As president, he considered it his duty not to alienate, and closer. And he was a supporter to the end of the participation of Communists in the government of leftist. They - four ministers - worked perfectly and in unison, until it became clear that the "socialist experiment" occurred irreversible Change. Then they got up and left. The alliance with the Communists, Mitterrand defined as "conflictual alliance" since the time when first time felt that can become the leader of the Left. While the Socialists were the second power of the opposition, they did focus on "alliance". Thrust to the first role vlagere leftists, they have shifted to the "conflict". In the "conflictual alliance" socialists were not only more calculating, but often received "assistance" from the PCF in the most unexpected moments. Blunders and mistakes helped the PCF FAK to win over voters.

As soon as president, Mitterrand proposed to completely change the profile of Lorraine, which entailed the closure of dozens of enterprises, the pride of national industry, the dismissal of hundreds of thousands of people. It seemed that the president risked incurring the displeasure of labor of France, in the hands of only one serious argument: the steel and iron industry of France lost in competition with Luxembourg, Japan, West Germany. The previous right-wing governments prefer artificial subsidies to support the decaying steel industry of Lorraine and missed the time for its timely modernization. In this conflict, the PCF was, understandably, on the side of metallurgists, demanding that the government in whatever was to preserve jobs for hundreds of thousands of people. But is it true to claim the economic status quo, . perpetuate stagnation, . legitimize the position, . which the same hundreds of thousands of people will be forced to accept the fact, . they live on handouts? Admittedly, . that true science and technology strategy either for the national industry, . not specifically for Lorraine FKP offer was not able,

"Lorraine battle" won Mitterrand. Hundreds of thousands of people have been "bought" their jobs, others were able to retrain, the third - early retirement. But change is not only the working class, the existence of "middle class", which includes intellectuals, managers, skilled workers and t. d. - Has long been an axiom of Western sociology and political science. Socialists recognized the existence of this class, moreover, its political

After winning power, the Socialists redrew the electoral system so that our influence has decreased significantly.

"Third Force" throw open those same doors, which yesterday it easily squeezed between the left and right doors. "Living Water" for this force was left, anti-communism, which is a label with the exact date of birth - May 1968. Mitterrand not only missed the "train the 70's" and happily missed him. He waited another era. Neither the 60-th, nor in the 70 years he was not ready for that first role, which took him to 80's and he played in the 90. But it is fair to speak about two different versions: first "ideology" was more important than the "market", then she was sacrificed to him. All political biography of Mitterrand, woven from externally inconsistent behavior. Why he once slammed the door of the ministerial, . protesting against the deposed Sultan of Morocco, . but quietly endured the Franco-British expedition to Suez? Why passionately denounced France's nuclear doctrine, . but abruptly changed his position? Why, . voting for the American nuclear weapons in Europe, . opposed France's participation in SDI? Why in fact contributed to "freeze" the process of disarmament in the early 80's, . but in the end he actively promoted?,

. Many of these "why"
. But that seems inconsistent to look the part, it is logical for the most Mitterrand. When he recreated from the ashes of a socialist party, rallying for the fifty clubs and societies, it reigned many flows, be accounted for with each of them. The unity of the party for him more important than the sequence of the political line. Now before him was a challenge - to become a magnet for all the "fragments" left origin. But Mitterrand himself had this problem understands much broader: to unite disciplined electoral majority without division into left and right.

"I - identity of French landscape painting," - once said about himself Mitterrand kept saying that it changes every time you change "background problem".

In France a few years of "cohabitation" of left the president with the Government of Right Forces background has been changed substantially: the political pendulum went back - this time from the left edge to the center. This period for Mitterrand was no more than a new "alliance of conflict".

Fifth Republic started as the adoption of a new constitution in 1958. If you take a look those three decades, there is a striking contrast. Then - the collapse of the colonial system, the scope of the Atlantic commitments, "Common Market", has just begun "to iron" patriarchal peasant way of. Now - a dynamic industrial power, which has a large weight in the European and international affairs. Hence, the permanent campaign slogan of the bourgeois parties: "We have made modern France!"

Valid for 22 years - until 1981 - were in power right-wing parties. However, in the construction of a new France, its democratic institutions, a decisive contribution was made exactly left-wing forces. The democratization of the electoral system, winning the right to ten, and then at eight-hour day, the nationalization of large sectors of the economy and t. d. - That legacy is clear imprint "left France".

But I was not only France, the world changes. In February 1990 the President of the French Republic, Francois Mitterrand gives interview to French newspaper.

"Question: Why do you suggest the European confederation?

Answer: The idea is simple. Eastern Europe derives its freedom and full sovereignty and trying to rebuild its economy, do not want to be neither isolated nor dependent. They do not seek in any case now, to join the community. And the Community itself, apparently, is not ready. Whether they are satisfied by regional agreements between themselves and agreements with the EEC at the organizational level? That would be in their dignity and interests. Will they stay within the CMEA, dominated by the Soviet Union? Unlikely. What then? Made an appeal to the French on 31 December last year, . I expressed the wish to establish in the coming years, the confederation, . uniting the democratic countries of our continent in general and permanent organization, . charge for the early economic and cultural exchanges and mutual security, . with regular meetings of Ministers of Foreign Affairs,
. That would be to offer these countries a great prospect. They are acutely aware of and would they belong to Europe and its natural solidarity within the organization equal partners. ". There are no opportunities to provide direct assistance to the USSR in solving its internal problems. But the indirect assistance it can provide, create a climate of cooperation and mutual exchange ".

Francois Mitterrand for two decades has provided a tremendous influence on the political life of one of the leading European powers, repeatedly was at the forefront of major initiatives and actions of the European and wider international scale. Since its reorganization efforts are inextricably linked, the development and growth of the French Socialist Party.

January 8, 1996 the world community was stunned about the death of Francois Mitterrand. Severe form of cancer did not give hope for salvation. The French took the news as a personal grief. For many, Mitterrand was an example of this Frenchman, who with his wife, maintained a long relationship with his mistress. The nation was aware of, but I forgive it its president, respecting him for his honesty.

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