Gorchakov, Aleksandr Mikhailovich

born July 4, 1798, was brought up in the Tsarskoe Selo Lyceum, where he was a Friend of Pushkin. In his youth, pet fashion, . large light each, . Practices brilliant observer "(as described by Pushkin in a message to him), . Gorchakov until late old age characterized by the qualities, . were considered most necessary for a diplomat, but, . but secular talents and salon wit, . He also has a significant literary education, . and is reflected later in his eloquent diplomatic notes,
. Circumstances soon enabled him to explore all the springs behind the scenes of international politics in Europe. In 1820 - 22 years he was under Count Nesselrode at congresses in Troppau, Laibach and Verona, in 1822, Mr.. was appointed secretary to the embassy in London, where he remained until 1827, then was in the same post at the mission in Rome in 1822, Mr.. was appointed secretary to the embassy in London, where he remained until 1827, then was in the same post at the mission in Rome in 1828, Mr.. transferred to the Berlin Embassy Counselor, thence to Florence, charge d'affaires, in 1833, Mr.. - Counselor of the Embassy in Vienna. In 1841, Mr.. He was sent to Stuttgart for the device presupposed the marriage of Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna of the Crown Prince of Wц?rttemberg, and after an extraordinary marriage stayed Envoy for twelve years. From Stuttgart he had the opportunity to closely monitor the progress of the revolutionary movement in South Germany and for the events of 1848 - 49 years in Frankfurt. At the end of 1850. He was appointed a commissioner at germanskom federal Diet in Frankfurt, while retaining their posts in the Wц?rttemberg court. Russian influence prevailed then over the political life of Germany. In reinstating the Federal Diet Russian Government sees "a pledge to maintain a common world". Gorchakov stayed in Frankfurt for four years, where he especially became close friends with the Russian representative, Bismarck. Gorchakov, . as Nesselrode, . not share the enthusiasm of Nicholas on the Eastern question, . and began a diplomatic campaign against Turkey aroused in him great misgivings, he tried, . at least, . help maintain friendship with Prussia and Austria, . how it could depend on his personal efforts,
. In 1854, Mr.. Gorchakov was transferred to Vienna, where a temporary administrator in place of the Embassy, Baron Meyendorff involving close kinship with the Austrian minister, Count Buolem, and in 1855, Mr.. appointed Envoy. In this critical period, . when Austria surprised the world with their ingratitude "and willing to act together with France and Britain against Russia (under the contract on Dec. 2, 1854), . position of the Russian ambassador in Vienna was extremely difficult and responsible,
. After the death of Emperor Nicholas I, was convened in Vienna a conference of representatives of the great powers to determine the conditions of peace, but negotiations, . involving Druen de Lewis and Lord George Rossel, . not led to positive results, . partly because the art and perseverance Gorchakov,
. Austria once again separated from the classrooms are hostile to us and declared itself neutral. The fall of Sevastopol was the signal for a new intervention of the Vienna office, which is already on my own, in the form of an ultimatum, Russia presented a well-known requirements, by agreement with the Western powers. Russian government was forced to accept the Austrian proposal, and in February 1856 the congress met in Paris to finalize a peace treaty. Treaty of Paris 18 (30) March 1856. graduated from an era of active participation of Russia in the Western European political affairs. Graf Neselrode resigned, and was appointed foreign minister, Prince Gorchakov (April 1856). Painful experience of the Crimean War and the Vienna Conference have left their imprint on the follow-up as the Minister Gorchakov. Shared his views on the challenges of international diplomacy could have seriously changed, the political program of his clearly determined by the circumstances under which he was forced to join the management of the Ministry. First of all, it was necessary to observe great restraint in the early years, . has committed the great internal changes, then Gorchakov set itself two practical purposes - firstly, . repay Austria for its behavior in 1854 - 55 years and, . secondly, . a gradual destruction of the Paris Treaty,
. In 1856, Mr.. Prince Gorchakov declined to participate in the diplomatic measures against abuse of the Neapolitan Government, . Recalling the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of foreign powers (the circular note of 22 [10] September) at the same time, he made it clear, . that Russia does not renounce the right to vote in European and international issues, . only gather strength for the future: "La Russie ne boude pas - elle se recueille",
. This phrase was a great success in Europe and has been adopted as an accurate description of the political situation in Russia after the Crimean War. Three years later, Prince Gorchakov said that "Russia will withdraw from the position of restraint, which it considered itself bound after the Crimean War". In 1859, Mr.. Russia openly stood on the side of Napoleon III in his conflict with Austria because of Italy. In the Russian-French relations took place favorable coup, which was prepared by a rendezvous of two emperors in Stuttgart in 1857. But this convergence has been very fragile, and after the triumph of the French at Magenta and Solferino Gorchakov again seemed resigned to the Vienna Cabinet. In 1860, Mr.. He acknowledged timely to remind Europe about the disastrous state of the Christian Peoples, . subordinated to the Turkish Government, . and suggested an international conference to review the decision of the Paris treatise on this subject (note 20 [8] May 1860),
. The attempt was not successful. In October, 1860. for the success of the national movement in Italy, Prince Gorchakov is already talking about the common interests of Europe, . in the spirit of the era of congresses and traditions of the Holy Alliance, in a note Oct. 10 (September 28) he warmly reproached the government for the Sardinian, . it operates, . "together with the revolution" on the Tuscan, . Parma, . Modena, . but his protest, . though supported by Austria and Prussia, . had no practical consequences,
. Speaking at the scene of the Polish question definitively upset begins with a "friendship" between Russia and the empire of Napoleon III and secured an alliance with Prussia. At the head of the Prussian government, in September 1862, rose Bismarck. Since then, the policy of our Minister was paralleled by a bold diplomacy of his Prussian counterpart, supporting and protecting it as much as possible. Prussia and Russia signed a military convention on Feb. 8, 1863, Mr.. to facilitate the task of the Russian troops in the fight with the Polish uprising. Intercession of Britain, Austria and France for the national rights of the Poles was strongly rejected by Prince Gorchakov, when it took the form of direct diplomatic intervention (April 1863). Skillful, but in the end and vigorous correspondence on the Polish question brought Gorchakov glory primary diplomat and made his name famous in Europe and Russia. This was the highest, the culminating point of a political career of Prince Gorchakov. The brilliant success of Prussia in 1866. further strengthened its official friendship with Russia. The antagonism with France and Austria were forced to mute opposition to the Berlin office to hold firmly to Russian alliance, and care to protect the Russian policy of extraneous influences. CANDIOTI revolt against the Turkish yoke, . lasted almost two years (since autumn 1866), . has led Austria and France to seek a rapprochement with Russia, . on the grounds of the Eastern question, the Austrian Minister, . Count Beust, . admit even the idea of revising the Treaty of Paris for the overall improvement of life of the Christian subjects of Turkey,
. Project accession Candia to Greece found support in Paris and Vienna, but was coldly received in St. Petersburg, because, for Bismarck was quite unfortunate that Russia managed to achieve something in the East before the expected war in the West. Prince Gorchakov saw no reason to give up Berlin friendship on any other, deciding to follow the Prussian politics, he chose to give her with confidence, without doubts and anxieties. However, long-term policies and the combination does not always dependent on the Minister or the Chancellor, as well as personal feelings and opinions of sovereigns were very important element in international politics at the time. When the summer of 1870. raged prelude to the bloody struggle, Prince Gorchakov was in Vilbade and - according to our diplomatic body - was no less impressed by other unexpected gap between France and Prussia. "On his return to St. Petersburg, he was only able to fully accede to the Emperor Alexander II's decision to keep Austria from participation in the war, to avoid the need for intervention by Russia. The Chancellor expressed his only regret at not having been agreed to reciprocity of services with the Berlin Cabinet, for adequate protection of Russian interests "(" Journ. de St. Pet. ", March 1, 1883). Franco-Prussian war of all was considered inevitable, . and the two powers openly preparing for it since 1867, so can not be mere coincidence absence of prior decisions and the conditions for such an important issue, . as the support of Prussia in her struggle with France,
. Our diplomacy is not only to restrain Austria from interference, but carefully guarded the freedom of military and political actions of Prussia during all the war, before concluding the peace talks and the signing of the Treaty of Frankfurt. It is clear, thanks to William I, expressed in a telegram to 14 (26) February 1871. the Emperor Alexander II. Gorchakov took advantage of this change of circumstances for the destruction of 2-th article of the Treaty of Paris on the neutralization of the Black Sea. At the London conference it was decided once again to give Russia to keep the fleet in the Black Sea. After the defeat of France, the relations between Bismarck and Prince Gorchakov changed substantially. From that time begins for Russian diplomacy, a number of bitter disappointments, which give a sad tone throughout the last period of the Prince Gorchakov. Foreseeing that the Eastern question will not hesitate to re-emerge in one form or another, Bismarck hastened to arrange a new political combination with the participation of Austria as a counterweight to Russia in the East. Russia's entry to the triple alliance, which was launched in September 1872, placing the Russian foreign policy to be dependent not only from Berlin, but also from Vienna, without any need to. Linking themselves to this system of preliminary agreements and concessions, . Prince Gorchakov allowed or forced to admit involvement in the country's heavy, . bloody war, . the obligation not to extract from it a corresponding benefit to the state and guided, . in determining the results of victory, . interests and desires of others and partly hostile cabinet,
. In the minor or extraneous issues, such as in the recognition of the government of Marshal Serrano in Spain in 1874, Prince Gorchakov often disagreed with Bismarck, but in a significant and main passively submitted to his promptings. A serious falling-out occurred only in 1875, . when the Russian chancellor took over the role of protector of France and the common world from the encroachments of the Prussian military party and officially informed the Powers of the success of their efforts, . a note on April 30 (May 12) the same year,
. All the phases in the eastern complications were passed by the Russian government in the tripartite alliance, . until the case comes to war, and after Russia fought and coped with Turkey, . Triple Alliance once again come into its own and with the aid of England determined the final terms of peace, . most favorable to the Vienna Cabinet,
. Even with the declaration of war (April 1877) An old Chancellor had combined fiction authorization from Europe, . so that the advance had been cut off by road to an independent and outspoken protection of Russian interests in the Balkans after the huge casualties two-year campaign,
. Prince Gorchakov had promised (Reichstadt agreement on July 8, 1876) to Austria, two Turkish provinces, . revolt which was the first impetus to the Slavic liberation movement in Russian society, in England it was entrusted to Count Shuvalov state, . that the Russian army crossed over the Balkans, . but the promise was taken back after, . as it was already transferred to the London Cabinet, . - That aroused displeasure and gave an extra reason to protest,
. Fluctuations, errors and contradictions in the actions of diplomacy, accompanied by any change in the theater of war. The movement of Russian troops to Constantinople was stopped by the mere threat of England, the San Stefano peace treaty on February 19 (March 3) in 1878 to build extensive, Bulgaria, . but increased the Serbia and Montenegro, only small territorial prirezkami, . left Bosnia in Herzegovina under the Turkish rule (in anticipation of the Austrian occupation), and did not give Greece, . so that the contract was extremely dissatisfied with almost all the Balkan peoples and the ones, . which brought most of the victims in the fight against the Turks - the Serbs and Montenegrins, . Bosnians and Herzegovinians,
. About how to avoid the Congress, as it managed to Bismarck after Sadovaya, there could be no question. Russia has offered to arrange germanskomu Chancellor Congress in Berlin, between the Earl and Marquis of Salisbury Shuvalov, an agreement was 30 (18), regarding issues to be discussed Powers. At the Berlin Congress (from 1 [13] June to 1 [13] July 1878), Prince Gorchakov systematically avoided participation in those meetings, . which was to discuss unpleasant for him, . although important for Russia, . issues, he attached special importance to, . returned to Russia was a small strip of Bessarabia, . taken away from her on the Treaty of Paris, . while Romania was to return to get Dobrudja,
. Britain's offer of the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austrian troops were warmly supported by the President of Congress, Bismarck, against the Turkish Commissioners, Prince Gorchakov also called for the occupation (meeting 16 [28] June). In Germany, Chancellor supported every positive declaration Russian demand, but could not, of course, go beyond the Russian diplomats to protect the political interests of Russia. Prince Gorchakov was concerned mainly about the consent of the powers, the interests of Europe, on the disinterestedness of Russia, which, however, did not require such a bloody and serious evidence, as the war. The fore the destruction of certain articles of the Treaty of Paris, which constituted more a matter of diplomatic self-esteem than a serious public interest. Later part of the Russian press brutally attacked Germany and its Chancellor, as the main culprit though our failures; between the two powers happened cooling, and in September 1879. Prince Bismarck in Vienna decided to conclude a special defensive alliance against Russia. Prince Gorchakov's political career ended with the Berlin Congress, since he had almost no part in affairs, though the state retained the honorary title of chancellor. He died in Baden, 27 February 1883, Mr.. Minister he had ceased to be even nominally in March 1882, when was appointed to his place NK. Girs. For a correct evaluation of all activities in general Gorchakov must bear in mind two things. First, . political nature of his set and finally established in the reign of Emperor Nicholas, . the era, . when it was considered essential for Russia to worry about the fate of various European dynasties, . petition for balance and harmony in Europe, . to the detriment of the real interests and needs of their own country,
. Secondly, the Russian foreign policy is not always directed exclusively by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Near Prince Gorchakov, . although under the nominal leadership of his, . acting on behalf of Russia Count Ignatiev and Shuvalov, . few disagreed among themselves, and with the Chancellor, this lack of unity expressed particularly sharply in the drafting of the San Stefano treaty, and the insignificance of his defense at the Congress,
. Prince Gorchakov was a sincere adherent of the world and yet was against the will to act to avoid war. This war, as was openly expressed in the "Journal de C.-Petersbourg" after his death, "was the complete overthrow of the entire political system, Prince Gorchakov, which seemed to him obligatory for Russia for years to come. When war became imminent, the Chancellor said that he could guarantee Russia from a hostile coalition only under two conditions - namely, if the war will be short duration and if the purpose of the campaign will be moderate, with no shifts in the Balkans. These views were adopted by the imperial government. Thus, we have made poluvoynu, and it could only lead of half ". Meanwhile the war was real and very severe, and the relative futility of it was partly the result of polupolitiki Prince Gorchakov. In the vibrations and half-measures it would be reflected as a struggle between two directions - the traditional, ambitious, international, and practical, based on an understanding of the internal interests of the State. This initial lack of clarity in terms of lack of accurate and practical program were found primarily in the fact that the event would never have anticipated in advance and always caught us by surprise. Sober, life ways Bismarck did not have a noticeable influence on the diplomacy of Prince Gorchakov. The latter has followed many outdated traditions and remained a diplomat of the old school, for which skillfully written note is in itself the purpose. Pale figure Gorchakov could seem bright only due to Russia's lack of political participation, freedom of criticism and opposition. Details, albeit very one-sided characterization of Prince Gorchakov, in comparison with Bismarck, made in the book of Julian Klyachko: "Deux Chanceliers. Le prince G. et le prince de Bismarck "(AP, 1876). From the latest research deserves attention: Francois Cgarles-Roux "Alexandre II, G. et Napoleon III "(AP, 1913). L. Slonimsky.